IS THIRD-COUNTRY RESETTLEMENT AN OPTION?
This is slowly brewing into a contentious issue given the fairly vague but speedy repatriation proposal by the Government of Bangladesh (GOB) and the concurrent announcement by the Myanmar government to relocate the Rohingya returnees to temporary camps in Rakhine state. This means that those to be repatriated would not be allowed to return to their original homes, thus raising enormous fear and tensions among the refugees in makeshift camps in Ukhia and Teknaf in Cox's Bazar.
Many Rohingya refugees have reported appalling violation of human
rights, atrocities and many forms of abuses, including homes and villages being
burned down, parents and relatives being killed in front of their children, and
women and girls being raped or brutalised. According to a recent estimate by
Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), at least 6,700 Rohingyas were killed in Myanmar
between August 25 and September 24, 2017 after violence broke out in Rakhine
state. The Rohingya situation in Myanmar is thus a “textbook” case of genocide.
Can the refugees really be repatriated while the circumstances that led
to the current situation continue and remain unresolved? It is obvious that the
conditions are not right for repatriation any time soon – not even in years,
according to many experts. The United Nations has repeatedly warned against any
hasty return of Rohingyas. Even Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, during her visit
to Kutupalong refugee camp, demanded an end to the ongoing persecution against
the Rohingyas. Many refugees reportedly
burst into tears while narrating their sufferings to the PM and how Myanmar
security forces tortured them and their families.
It is reported that the PM recalled the experiences of the Bangladeshi
refugees, who fled to India in 1971 in the face of military crackdown by the
Pakistan army. The PM assured the Rohingya refugees of food and shelter on
humanitarian grounds. She, however, asserted that the Rohingya refugees are
Myanmar nationals and that “Myanmar must take its citizens back” and urged the
international community to exert pressure on Myanmar to repatriate the
refugees.
For repatriation to take place, the Myanmar regime must demonstrate to
the international community that peace and stability has been restored and rule
of law established in Rakhine state. Furthermore, as a first step, full
humanitarian access must be granted, including broader UN and NGO community.
Also, the returnees must be allowed to return home with full support and
assistance for rebuilding their homes and livelihoods. Their rights to
self-identification as Rohingya and full rights as citizens, which have been
systematically denied and/or restricted by the regime, must be guaranteed.
Returning to camps in Rakhine state should not be an option. There are already
over 100,000 displaced Rohingyas in abusive camp life in central Rakhine
displaced by the 2012 violence against ethnic Rohingyas. It has to be
remembered that Myanmar created the refugee problem and must address it
following all international standards and practices.
The Rohingya repatriation, therefore, should not be viewed as desired
by Myanmar as a bilateral issue; the international communities and agencies,
starting with United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) must be
involved in the implementation and monitoring of any repatriation arrangements.
It is also important that multilateral agencies such as the UN and European
Union work together with the Myanmar regime to address the root causes of the
crisis and push for the full implementation of the Kofi Annan Commission
Report, which recommended urgent and sustained actions to prevent violence,
maintain peace, foster reconciliation and offer a sense of hope to the
hard-pressed Rohingya population.
The repatriation agreement signed by GOB and the Myanmar government can
at best be viewed as an “entry point” to address this humanitarian crisis.
Given the situations in Rakhine state, and lack of readiness by the Myanmar
regime, it may take years or even decades to resolve the refugee crisis. As of
December 7, 2017, close to 800,000 Rohingya refugees have been registered from
12 makeshift camps; of this, 36,000 have been identified as orphan boys and
girls. Ultimately, it may so happen that many refugees will be made ineligible
to return as Myanmar has the upper hand, as per the agreement, on who can
return after being properly verified. Therefore, in addition to refugee
repatriation, the government should consider all possible options for refugee
resettlement.
One possible option in case of such massive displacement by ethnic
conflicts is third-country resettlement of displaced refugees. There are many
examples of such third-country refugee resettlement from many hotspots
globally, caused by ethnic conflicts, wars and other forms disasters and
displacements. For Rohingyas, this was flagged clearly by UNHCR as early as
February 2017 with a request to the Bangladesh government to allow negotiating
with the United States, Canada, and some European countries to resettle around
1,000 Rohingya refugees. Under the current political climate in the U.S., it
may be a hard sell for UNHCR; however, there are other countries such as
Canada, Australia, Germany and other European and Scandinavian countries that
still welcome people on humanitarian grounds. The UNHCR has a clear
responsibility to pursue this protection-oriented resettlement programme for
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.
A successful third-country resettlement of Rohingyas is very much
possible. In my view, the UNHCR was very conservative in terms of exploring
third-country resettlement potentials. For instance, Canada alone took 25,000
Syrians refugees in 2016. In Europe, Germany received over 300,000 asylum
seekers. The United Kingdom has pledged to take in 20,000 refugees who are
currently living in camps in Syria, Turkey and Jordan. Such a third-country
resettlement will lessen the current burden on the Bangladesh government and at
the same time provide huge opportunities for a better future for literally
hundreds and thousands of Rohingya refugees. Therefore, the Government of
Bangladesh should work with UNHCR and facilitate such resettlement arrangements
through establishing a high-powered committee for third-country Rohingya
resettlement involving relevant UN agencies, International Organization of
Migration (IOM), NGOs/civil society working with the refugees, and
representatives of potential sponsor countries.
The UNHCR can play the role of a catalyst in making this happen with the
support of the government and in coordination with the sponsoring states by
establishing multi-year pledges for refugee resettlement in third countries.
============================MOHAMMAD ZAMAN IS AN INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT/RESETTLEMENT SPECIALIST AND ADVISORY PROFESSOR, NRCR/HOHAI
UNIVERSITY, NANJING, CHINA.
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